Is Black American nation formation a viable alternative?

What difficulties are likely to be encountered during such an effort?

What are the downsides to nation formation?

The first question is just for completeness.  The history of Black American efforts to establish a nation state that were highlighted in Part I of this essay constitute prima facie evidence that the concept is viable.  To buttress the argument, consider the formation of East and West Pakistan and Israel in the second half of the 1940s; the independence won by the former Soviet Republics during the 1990s; and the founding of East Timor in 2002. What more do we need to confirm the rational nature of an effort to become independent?

Almost all, if not all, counselors and friends will advise an abused spouse to exit an abusive relationship.  Do you consider Black Americans to be in an abusive relationship?  Why is our unemployment rate generally twice that of Whites?  Why is Black household net worth, on average, a very small fraction of White household net worth?  Why do Black Americans comprise 40 percent of the prisoners in the U.S. when we account for less than 14 percent of the population?

We could continue highlighting adverse statistics, which cannot be explained without factoring in racism and discrimination, but we believe that you get the picture.  We are in an abusive relationship from which we need to exit.

We are likely to encounter the following types of difficulties as we seek to exit this relationship:

•    The most important difficulty is identification of a location to establish our nation.

•    Many Black American “haves” will attempt to prevent the exit because they benefit from serving as middle men between wealthy Whites and moderate income and poor Blacks.

•    White leaders of the nation’s commercial sector will seek to prevent the exit because we are very important customers.  The fact of the matter is that, without Black American consumers, many U.S. firms would not be profitable.

•    Other firms for which we work at suppressed wages would be forced to pay higher wages and would be less profitable if we ceased supplying our labor.  These firms would also oppose the exit.

•    Black Americans on the dole are likely to oppose the exit because, as Malcolm X predicted, they will say:  “We got it good with massa.  We don’t have to work.  We can stay home and watch TV all day—especially ‘Oprah’.  We get food stamps.  We love us some Kentucky Fried Chicken.  Where we gonna get that kina chicken if we leave Merica?”

None of these difficulties should be sufficient to thwart nation formation efforts.  We can identify and acquire land for the nation (see Essay 3, “Point Zero Nation Formation” in Chosen:  Black America’s Calling, 2009); those who stand to lose by the absence of our consumption will learn that commerce involves risks; and those who want to remain with massa can—or they can learn to produce even better chicken in their own restaurants in a new nation.

If we adopt a short-term perspective, we may conclude that there will be serious downsides to nation formation.  A longer-term view will reveal that the short-run view is erroneous.  For example:

Nation formation over an extended period will permit Black Americans to sell assets owned in the U.S.—without creating adverse shocks to markets—and to acquire new—probably higher-quality—assets in the new nation.

The loss of position and pseudo power in the American context can be exchanged for positions of real power in the new nation.

A priori, while it may appear that movement to a new nation that must be built creates great physical inconvenience, such inconveniences can be constrained to a minimum when the nation formation process is managed properly—i.e., staggered over a generation or more.

As for leaving Asian, Hispanic, Native American, and, yes, White friends behind, they can visit with a passport.  Depending on the nature of the constitution, they may even be permitted to join you in the new nation.

We hope that you will agree that, what at first appears daunting can often become quite manageable given sufficient thought. In Part III, we’ll discuss the many benefits to nation formation.

Dr. B.B. Robinson is an economist and director of BlackEconomics.org, a resource for economic concepts, issues and policies affecting African-Americans.

As I strolled east on a heavily-traveled street in Honolulu, Hawaii today and neared an intersection, another Black man was traveling south toward that same intersection.  As we converged, I looked his way and nodded in acknowledgment of his presence.  Within a flickering moment, he made one upward swoop of his right arm, made a fist in that same motion, and bounced it off of his chest where his heart resides.

In two unspoken gestures, we communicated.  My gesture conveyed the following thought:  “Black man, we are in the middle of the Pacific Ocean on an island where Blacks comprise less than three percent of the population.  I acknowledge you and hope that you acknowledge me.  We may need each other’s protection in the future on this very island. “

In return, his gesture conveyed:  “Black man, I see and acknowledge you.  I love you like a brother and will fight to protect you.”

How often have you seen two Asian, Hispanic, Native, or White American males transmit such unspoken, yet powerful gestures?  Probably seldom—if ever.  Why not?  Because they do not live with the knowledge that, as Muhammad Ali once said, “No matter how much money you have in America, a Black man remains just another ‘N-Word’.”  History has left many examples of what happens to “Niggers” in America.

Knowing this to be true, and having 400 years of evidence to substantiate that truth, should cause Black Americans—especially Black males–to take pause.

Because we only remain safe in America when we play the game by rules that we do not establish, we should seek conditions in which we can establish our own rules.  Sound logic will tell you that it is nearly impossible to win a game when someone else establishes the rules—and stack the rules against you.

One can only establish rules when one is in control.  Although it is very difficult to imagine circumstances in which Black Americans are in control of this nation in the near term, it is possible to conjure up scenarios in which Blacks are in control and can establish rules.

One easy scenario to project is establishment of a Black American nation.  Nation formation is not a new idea.  History reflects many Black American efforts to found their own nation or territory.  Liberia, West Africa is a classic case.  Nova Scotia, Canada is another.  What about Allensworth, California; Tulsa, Oklahoma; and Rosewood, Florida?  They all represent efforts to create an environment in which Black Americans control their lives and to do for self.  Each case is marked by an imperfect outcome.

Those imperfect outcomes should not preclude efforts to achieve perfection.  We must continue to inquire:

Is Black American nation formation a viable alternative?

What difficulties are likely to be encountered as a result of such an effort?

What benefits are derivable from Black American nation formation?

What are the downsides to such an endeavor?

It is only by asking these and other questions and performing a 360-degree analysis of the issue that we can come to an informed conclusion about the efficacy of Black American nation formation.

We will visit each of the foregoing questions in order to assist Black Americans in making decisions concerning where and how to allocate current and future resources, and to determine how to provide for our progeny’s future.

We should not find ourselves saying that nation formation is beyond our comprehension or control, and that we will “leave it to Jesus.”  We cannot say that on one hand, and on the other hand quote the biblical passage, “Now unto him that is able to do exceedingly abundantly above all that we ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us.” (Holy Bible, Ephesians 3:20.)  Unfortunately, we place too much emphasis on the first part of this verse—putting the onus on Jesus—and ignore the latter and most important part—“according to the power that worketh in us.”  In other words, we must have every expectation that we can work within the context of the power that is vested in us to make nation formation a reality.

Barring use of Haitian-like Voodoo, which helped expel the French from Haiti, or some other powerful JuJu, Black Americans face the difficult, but surmountable, task of working alone to identify and occupy a space that permits us to:  Shape and control our destiny; delink ourselves from the deadly anxiety and pressure of discrimination and racism; and to create a peaceful and prosperous state.

Dr. B.B. Robinson is an economist and director of BlackEconomics.org, a resource for economic concepts, issues and policies affecting African-Americans.